By Emmanuelle Tulle (auth.)
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Additional resources for Ageing, the Body and Social Change: Running in Later Life
This means three things: first, that different habitus positions produce and require distinctive bodily types, in sum different orientations to the body; second, that 30 Ageing, the Body and Social Change the body itself can be a site of capital accumulation and conversion and third, that our habitus and attendant dispositions are embodied. For instance, having spare time to do body work is dependent on one’s economic capital and position in the labour market. However, the willingness to do body work and the potential for conversion into other forms of capital is itself a situated disposition.
One’s class habitus is not reducible to one’s economic capital. Although one can convert cultural capital into economic capital, this is normally achieved within the boundaries of one’s habitus position, not outside of it. The difficulty of converting different forms of capital into an improved class position is attributable to the existence of a distributional grid which is symbolic of the class and status hierarchy prevalent at any particular point in time. This grid serves to mask “the arbitrary character of the distribution of power and wealth’’ and represents the amount of symbolic capital members of a particular social group are able to garner.
208). I would argue that Bourdieu’s further elaboration of “fields’’ and of their relationship to structure envisages a more complex relationship in which not only reproduction but also disjunctions are possible (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). Furthermore, we can turn to studies, influenced by Bourdieu’s work, which make visible forms of embodiment that combine the intimate experience of bodily sensations and social location. In any case, Crossley (2001b) and Shilling (2003) propose ways in which the gaps (insofar as they do exist) in the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu can be remedied.
Ageing, the Body and Social Change: Running in Later Life by Emmanuelle Tulle (auth.)