By Ato Kwamena Onoma
Utilizing comparative circumstances from Guinea, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, this learn explains why a few refugee-hosting groups release large-scale assaults on civilian refugees whereas others chorus from such assaults even if inspired to take action by way of nation officers. Ato Kwamena Onoma argues that those assaults take place the place governments instigate them as a result of hyperlinks among a couple of refugees and significant competition teams within the host kingdom. there's an expanding tendency for students to target militarized refugees and consider refugees as propagators, rather than sufferers, of violence. Onoma reorients the research of refugees again to a spotlight at the disempowered civilian refugees that represent the vast majority of refugees even in circumstances of critical refugee militarization, and gives feedback for broader figuring out of and coverage strategies for refugee politics and violence.
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Extra info for Anti-Refugee Violence and African Politics
Lischer, Dangerous sanctuaries; Beth Elise Whitaker, “Refugees and the spread of conflict: contrasting cases in Central Africa,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 38 No. 2–3 (2003); and Sarah Kenyon Lischer, Refugee involvement in political violence: quantitative evidence from 1987–1998,” New Issues in Refugee Research 26 (July 2000): 1. Stathis Kalyvas, The logic of violence in civil war (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). Introduction 11 The distinction between different types of perpetrators of violence against refugees is not meant to deny these insights.
This support is provided by organizations such as UNHCR as well as foreign states. It often has the effect of creating islands of relative efficiency and capacity in the apparatus of states possessing only autonomous capacity. 29 This means that even states that demonstrate only autonomous power in most sectors can approximate infrastructural capacity in those key sectors dealing with refugee protection. It is for these reasons that I argue that in areas that are not under the control of other actors such as insurgents, the protection of refugees by the state is enough to prevent large-scale anti-refugee attacks by host communities.
The works of Scott26 and Hyden27 are instructive here. The community is a relatively large entity lacking the ability for quick mobility and concealment. 28 Consequently, the individual has a lower capacity to engage in head-on confrontations with the state compared with the community as a whole but possesses a greater capacity for evasive resistance of state impositions. The state’s capacity for brutal reprisals is more likely to have a deterrent effect on local communities seeking to launch generalized anti-refugee attacks than on opportunistic attacks by individuals on particular refugees.
Anti-Refugee Violence and African Politics by Ato Kwamena Onoma